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A Calcium-based Invasion Risk Assessment for Zebra and Quagga Mussels

The Relationship between Culture and Conservation in New Zealand

By Alice Hales 

Abstract

 Culture is born from living alongside one another. Traditions, customs, and social behaviours are the essence of our actions as individuals and communities (2). What we value, and why, determines what we are willing to preserve through conservation action. In New Zealand, collaboration between western ideologies and indigenous Maori perspectives are leading the way in co-management practices (12). Respecting the land, resources and species that inhabit it is close to the heart of Maori and the wider New Zealand community (12). Working together to share knowledge and find co-benefits is causing new policy to flourish. Acts such as Te Urawera and The New Zealand Biodiversity Strategy (2000-2020), incorporate Maori values (4, 13). Gaining stakeholder support, protecting the cultural identity of the tangata whenua, distribution of workload and mutual appreciation for areas or species are benefits of a co-management approach (4). Though culture can open doors to better biodiversity management, it can come with limitations. Cultural rituals or traditions may be harmful to conservation efforts, making it difficult to find a compromise (3). Conflicting values may induce conflict, often resolved by finding mutual goals and encompassing different views rather than shunning them.

Introduction

Humans living in community groups has given rise to traditions, customs, language and repeated social behaviours; this is human culture (2). Certain animal and plant species are treasured in different cultures; cows to Hindu, Morepork and black-backed gull to Maori, Tigers to Koreans, and so on (1). The species focused on in conservation, and the action taken, comes down to knowledge, values and local culture (3). In New Zealand, indigenous Māori communities are starting to have a significant contribution to conservation (12). Māori have a strong relationship to the land and endemic species, referring to it as an environmental whanaungatanga (familial relationship) (12).Without the support of locals, stakeholders and the wider community, there will be no funding for action (15). It is in the best interests of conservationists, and the community, alike to find co-benefits and co-values when considering management of a project (12).

Despite the positives, there are exceptions where culture can negatively impact conservation. Wildlife use or harvesting along with questionable practices can be overlooked if it of cultural value (3). Wayne Linklater, in a discussion on the culture of conservation in New Zealand, stated that conservation is improved when it involves a diversity of voices and values (10). Through mitigating the negative impacts, co-management works towards a positive future.

Culture in New Zealand

The base of New Zealand culture is a mix of western and indigenous Māori influence. Kaitiakitanga is a recognised term in policies and legislation; it encompasses the traditional guarding and stewardship for natural beings and resources by tangata whenua (Māori) (7). This concept is at the base of Māori culture; focusing on sustainability, preservation, utilisation and responsibility, rather than ownership (7). The image in figure 1 displays a Māori man holding a kiwi; a sacred species treasured by New Zealand.When European settlers and Māori communities signed the ‘Treaty of Waitangi’, it was agreed that relationships should be maintained, encouraged and respected to enhance conservation efforts (6). Proposals, use of traditional materials and protocols should be consulted in partnership with tangata whenua to retain cultural identity (6).

maori-kiwi-hero

Figure 1. Māori man holding a kiwi. This species is sacred and treasured by all New Zealand cultures.

 

Effective Cooperation

The aim of New Zealand conservation is to preserve high levels of native/endemic biodiversity, while acknowledging and incorporating species, areas and practices sacred to the indigenous communities (6). This is reiterated in the The New Zealand Biodiversity Strategy (2000-2020), where valuing and understanding a Maori perspective is mentioned multiple times (4). Improving communication and encompassing Maori world views is essential for functional biodiversity strategies and gaining support from stakeholders, property owners and tangata whenua (4, 9).

The Te Urawera Act (2014) is leading the way in co-management and implementation of cultural values (5). Te Urawera is a forested area of great spiritual value to Māori and holds intrinsic value for all New Zealander’s (5). Collaboratively, groups came together and sought co-benefits; working together to conserve this special area (13). This act sets an example for revising and creating new legislation that sees Māori engagement as a beneficial asset (13).

Value judgements in conservation are difficult but necessary. Contention due to conflicting values can be resolved by finding a common ground. Like in the Te Urawera example, both Māori and the wider community value the forest highly (5, 13). Despite having different knowledge, skills and background, finding a co-value facilitated collaboration rather than conflict (8). Conservation needs to be about nature and culture; there is no evidence showing that education alters people’s values. So, the relationship between science and values in conserving a species or system needs open communication (11). It is often cultural influence and community interest that triggers the need for scientific research; this is a benefit of working together (11).

Room for Improvement

New Zealand is somewhat leading the world in conservation co-management, but there is room for improvement (9). Recently, Maori perspectives are being encompassed in proposals, but there are many acts that need updating. For example, Māori input was absent from both the Water & Soil Conservation Act 1967 and Clean Air Act 1972 (9). In the past conservationists were pessimistic about collaboration with indigenous perspectives. Alterations in management and policy take time, yet New Zealand is taking the right steps towards a better future for biodiversity (9).

Cultural views do not always align with conservation aims. Traditional practices, utilisation of natives and protecting certain species can be controversial (3). Many activities from different cultures involve killing or using animals for rituals and rites of passage; hunting, wearing their skins, consuming them or caging them (3). South African Nazareth Baptist Church kill and wear leopard (Panthera pardus) skins for religious gatherings, putting a strain on local populations (3). Cultural aspects can inhibit conservation efforts; for instance, the unsustainable harvesting of leopard skins is tolerated by many due to it being tradition (3). It is these limitations that emphasise the need for collaboration and consensus between different views (3).

rat kiore_small

Figure 2. The pacific rat, or Kiore. A treasured species of Māori people due to its long history of living alongside early New Zealanders. 

In New Zealand, the Pacific rat, or kiore, (Rattus exulans) is considered taonga (treasured) to some Māori. Rodents and introduced mammals threaten native species; conservationists have plans and action to eradicate the pests (14). These conflicting values meant a compromise needed to be made to resolve the issue. Māori treasure endemic species as well as wanting to conserve the kiore (pictured in Figure 2). A decision was made to move populations of the rats to offshore islands (with local Māori management and regulation) where they will be of less threat to endangered native species (14). This is in accordance with “Predator-Free 2050” where the New Zealand government is set to eradicate all rats, mustelids and possums from the mainland (14).

This example illustrates the difficulties when combining culture, values and knowledge in conservation. Not all practices will be beneficial to species or the environment, but it is essential to find co-benefits and ways to mitigate as much negative impact as possible.

 Conclusion

Cultural identity, knowledge and values all go hand in hand in relation to conservation (2). In New Zealand, indigenous support and guidance for proposals and actions is beginning to take precedence (12). It is common to see co-management and collaboration between Māori and conservationists; legislation such as Te Urawera and The New Zealand Biodiversity Strategy (2000-2020) emphasise the importance of maintaining culture in all things (4, 13). Losing culture along with biodiversity is not an option in New Zealand, although many outdated policies are yet to be corrected.

Culture can heavily influence opinions. Though culture can open doors to better biodiversity management, it can come with limitations. An action may go against conservationist’s plan for a species, as many rituals and practices involve animal species (3). Coming to a consensus on the best way to preserve culture while protecting biodiversity mitigates negative outcomes. Indigenous knowledge is invaluable to conservation in New Zealand and in gaining nation-wide support.

 

References

  1. Animal Sciences. (2019). Cultures and Animals. Retrieved from:https://www.encyclopedia.com/science/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/cultures-and-animals
  2. Brown, D. E. (2004). Human universals, human nature & human culture. Daedalus, 133(4), 47-54.
  3. Dickman, A., Johnson, P. J., Van Kesteren, F. & Macdonald, D. W. (2015). The moral basis for conservation: how is it affected by culture? Frontiers in Ecology and the Environment,13(6), 325- 331.
  4. (2000). New Zealand Biodiversity Strategy 2000-2020. Retrieved from: https://www.doc.govt.nz/globalassets/documents/conservation/new-zealand-biodiversity-strategy-2000.pdf
  5. (2014). Te Urewera Act 2014. Retrieved from: http://www.legislation.govt.nz/act/public/2014/0051/20.0/whole.html#DLM6183611
  6. (1987). Treaty of Waitangi Responsibilities. Retrieved from: https://www.doc.govt.nz/about-us/our-policies-and-plans/conservation-general-policy/2-treaty-of-waitangi-responsibilities/
  7. Environment Guide. (2018). What is kaitiakitanga? Retrieved from: http://www.environmentguide.org.nz/issues/marine/kaitiakitanga/what-is-kaitiakitanga/
  8. Gavin, M. C., McCarter, J., Mead, A., Berkes, F., Stepp, J. R, Paterson, D. & Tang, R. (2015). Defining biocultural approaches to conservation biology. Opinion, 30(3), 140-145.
  9. Jay, M. (2005). Recent changes to conservation of New Zealand’s native biodiversity. New Zealand Geographer, 61, 131-138.
  10. Linklater, W. (2019). The Culture of Conservation in New Zealand. Retrieved from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WYDM4yjFTo4
  11. Mace, G. M. (2014). Whose conservation? Science, 345(6204), 1558-1560.
  12. Mere, R., Waerete, N., Nganeko, M. & Del Kirkwood Carmen, W. (1995) Kaitiakitanga: Maori perspectives on conservation.Pacific Conservation Biology, 2, 7-20.
  13. Ruru, J., Lyver, P. O’B., Scott, N. & Edmunds, D. (2017). Reversing the Decline in New Zealand’s -Biodiversity empowering Maori within reformed conservation law. Policy Quarterly, 13(2), 65-71.

Traditional Ecological Knowledge: Improving conservation management practices – Isabel Herstell

Abstract:

Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) systems focus on the relationship of living things to the environment. Information is transmitted culturally through generations, and is adaptive to changes in the environment. The practice of conservation management can benefit from the long-term, feedback learning that is characteristic of TEK, while short-term scientific studies can incorporate TEK into the identification of baseline conditions, and historic distribution and use of resources in environments. A comparative study of the predictive ability of woodland caribou (Rangifer tarandus caribou) habitat selection models based on TEK, and western science, indicated that while the models were able to similarly predict habitat selection, both models provided unique insights. By comparing the two models, a more complete understanding of the ecosystem was garnered. TEK should be included in conservation management planning from its earliest stages to ensure that the best environmental outcomes can be achieved.

Intro:

Indigenous groups can provide alternative types of knowledge, acquired through locally developed resource use practice (Berkes, Colding & Folke, 2000; Kendrick & Manseau, 2008). This is referred to as traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and is a body of knowledge and practice, relating to the relationship of living beings and the environment, that has evolved through adaptive processes, and succeeded through generations by cultural transmission (Berkes, 1999; Berkes, 2004; Berkes, Colding & Folke, 2000).

Conservation management can benefit from the feedback learning characteristic of TEK, and can use it in complement with western science to guide the direction of future management strategies (Anadon et al., 2009; Berkes, Colding & Folke, 2000). Existing literature, such as the Polfus (et al., 2014) study of woodland caribou (Rangifer tarandus caribou), demonstrate that robust combinations of TEK and western science have the potential to improve management decisions, and ensure the validity of ecological inferences. TEK is acquired over long temporal scales and includes inferences at the population level that can complement short-term scientific studies, in identification of baseline conditions (Moller et al., 2004, Rist et al., 2010) and description of historic distributions and resource use (Ferguson and Messier 2000, Santomauro et al., 2012).

What is TEK?

TEK can be likened to western science in that it is based on a series of observations, though more commonly incorporates uncertainty into management strategies (Berkes, Colding & Folke, 2000). TEK approaches to ecosystem management are diverse, and include practices such as multi-species management, resource rotation, succession management and species switching (Berkes, Colding & Folke, 2000).

Unlike western science, TEK assumes that nature is dynamic and uncertain, and is based on observations acquired over generations of experience with the land (Anadon et al., 2009; Berkes, Colding & Folke, 2000). It is undertaken through qualitative management, whereby resource and ecosystem changes feedback to inform the direction that resource management should move, with reference to some form of baseline state (Moller et al., 2004, Rist et al., 2010). It is location specific learning, and is accumulated through time to help monitor the status of a resource (Moller et al., 2004, Rist et al., 2010). An example of this could be changes in the catch per unit effort of species of fish in the local river informing what harvest should be (Berkes, Colding & Folke, 2000).  

TEK as a predictor of woodland caribou habitat selection:

Two habitat models, one based on western science, and the other on TEK, were tested for their ability to predict the spatial habitat selection of woodland caribou within the territory of the Taku River Tlingit First Nation (TRTFN) of British Columbia (Polfus et al., 2014). The TEK habitat selection index (HSI) model was based on interviews with 8 elders and their experiences hunting caribou (Polfus et al., 2014).The western science model was created based on data from 10 GPS collared caribou, and used to build a resource selection function (RSF) model that assesses the probability of caribou using or avoiding resources relative to their availability (Polfus et al., 2014).

Both models were able to predict that in summer, alpine habitat was used, and during winter low elevation lodgepole pine was used (Fig.1) (Polfus et al., 2014). The study found that the TEK model identified lakes as escape terrain in winter (Ion & Kershaw, 1989), whereas the RSF model suggested that lakes were avoided, demonstrating the inability of the RSF model to relay the importance of crucial, but seldom used habitat (Polfus et al., 2014). Both models offer unique insights into the spatial habitat selection of woodland caribou; comparisons of the two can provide a more complete understanding of ecosystems (Polfus et al., 2014).

Around the world, governments are acknowledging the importance of traditional knowledge in management of natural resources (Kendrick & Manseau, 2008; Polfus et al., 2014). In 2011 the TRTFN and British Columbia signed a joint land-use plan that incorporated explicit direction from both parties as to how the land should be managed (Taku River Tlingit First Nation, and British Columbia, 2010).

000aaaNEWCapture

Fig.1 RSF maps generated with GPS data (left column) and HSI model maps generated with TEK of the Taku River Tlingit First Nation (right column)  showing habitat use (2000–2002) of northern woodland caribou in British Columbia, Canada.

 

Implications of TEK for conservation:

TEK can fill gaps in our understanding of ecosystems that western science can not. It can be used to collect information in areas where undertaking western science is difficult, it can indicate important ephemeral resources that may be overlooked in short-term studies, and can be useful in identifying areas of historic ecological significance, currently avoided due to human developments, that could be used for habitat restoration (Ion & Kershaw, 1989; Kendrick & Manseau, 2008; Polfus et al., 2014).

The adaptive nature of TEK addresses the criticism of western science being equilibrium-based and having an underlying assumption of ecological stability in the emphasis on things such as ‘maximum sustainable yield’ and ‘steady states’ (Berkes, Colding & Folke, 2000). By acknowledging and managing feedbacks from ecosystems, as TEK systems do, western science can move away from the use of yields and assumptions of environmental stability, and place more emphasis on resource and ecosystem change as an indicator of which direction management should move towards (Anadon et al., 2009; Moller et al., 2004, Rist et al., 2010). TEK should be incorporated into management planning, right from its inception to create Informed, adaptive management, using area-specific knowledge, to improve environmental outcomes (Anadon et al., 2009; Moller et al., 2004, Rist et al., 2010).

Conclusion:

Managers must find new ways to incorporate TEK into conservation practice and environmental management plans. A collaboration of western science and TEK will allow for a more holistic understanding of ecosystems and their resources, both past and present. The adaptive nature of TEK can inform different approaches to the management of natural resources, that actively incorporate environmental feedbacks. Studies such as that of Polfus (et al., 2014) demonstrate that the use of western science and TEK in complement can equip managers with a more fulsome understanding of ecology, which will better equip them to sustainably manage resources.

References:

Anadón, J. D., Giménez, A., Ballestar, R., and Pérez, I.. 2009. Evaluation of local ecological knowledge as a method for collecting extensive data on animal abundance. Conservation Biology 23: 617– 625.

Berkes, F., Colding, J., & Folke, C. (2000). Rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as adaptive management. Ecological applications, 10(5), 1251-1262.

Berkes, F. 1999. Sacred ecology, traditional ecological knowledge and resource management. Taylor and Francis, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA.

Berkes, F. 2004. Rethinking community‐based conservation. Conservation Biology 18: 621– 630.

Ferguson, M. A., & Messier, F. (2000). Mass emigration of arctic tundra caribou from a traditional winter range: population dynamics and physical condition. The Journal of wildlife management, 168-178.

Ion, P. G., and Kershaw, G. P.. 1989. The selection of snowpatches as relief habitat by woodland caribou (Rangifer tarandus caribou). Macmillan Pass, Selwyn/Mackenzie, Mountains, N.W.T., Canada. Arctic and Alpine Research 21: 203‐211.

Kendrick, A., and Manseau, M.. 2008. Representing traditional knowledge: resource management and Inuit knowledge of barren‐ground caribou. Society and Natural Resources 21: 404– 418.

Moller, H., Kitson, J. C., & Downs, T. M. (2009). Knowing by doing: learning for sustainable muttonbird harvesting. New Zealand Journal of Zoology, 36(3), 243-258.

Polfus, J. L., Heinemeyer, K., Hebblewhite, M., & Taku River Tlingit First Nation. (2014). Comparing traditional ecological knowledge and western science woodland caribou habitat models. The Journal of Wildlife Management, 78(1), 112-121.

Rist, L. (2010). The use of traditional ecological knowledge in forest management: An example from India. Ecology and Society : A Journal of Integrative Science for Resilience and Sustainability., 15(1), Ecology and society : a journal of integrative science for resilience and sustainability. , 2010, Vol.15(1).

Santomauro, D., Johnson, C. J., & Fondahl, G. (2012). Historical‐ecological evaluation of the long‐term distribution of woodland caribou and moose in central British Columbia. Ecosphere, 3(5), 1-19.

Taku River Tlingit First Nation, and British Columbia. 2010. Interim collaborative harvest management plans for Atlin caribou, Atlin East sheep and moose and lower Taku grizzly bear. Report of the Framework Agreement for Shared, Decision Making Respecting Land Use and Wildlife Management. Integrated Land Management Bureau, Smithers, British Columbia, Canada.


Indigenous Knowledge and Beliefs: Important Conservation Aids

Abhijeetkumar

Abstract

Modern science assumes it’s the key to conservation; however this is far from the truth.  At a time when biodiversity is under severe threat due to anthropogenic activities; it is important to revisit indigenous knowledge and beliefs to prevent further loss.

As per UNESCO [1] “Local and indigenous knowledge refers to the understandings, skills and philosophies developed by societies with long histories of interaction with their natural surroundings.”

This paper cites several examples of how indigenous knowledge & belief serve as important aids to conserve biodiversity in the areas of promoting species diversity, forest management and native farming.

Introduction

Preserving biodiversity is a global concern and modern science and conservation tools may not hold all the answers.

As per the World Bank 2004, “Biodiversity is directly responsible for 40% of the world’s economy, 70% of the world’s poor live in rural areas depend directly on biodiversity for their livelihood [5] thus indicating that the locals live and work closest with nature.

While in the past indigenous knowledge may not have been respected, there is growing recognition of how sophisticated it actually is. Using indigenous knowledge and beliefs offer conservation models for development that are both ecologically and socially sound. [2]

In this paper, we share insightful examples that emphasize the importance of indigenous knowledge and beliefs in conservation specific to:

  • Promoting Species Biodiversity
  • Forest Management
  • Native Farming

 

Indigenous Knowledge and Beliefs – A Tool to Promote Species Biodiversity

In many parts of the world, indigenous knowledge and beliefs play a key role in promoting species biodiversity. Let’s examine 3 such examples.

 

Saving the Great Apes – Africa

Traditional taboos against hunting in Africa earlier safeguarded apes, but with globalization and modernization, these taboos were diluted. A blended approach of using videos centered on traditional beliefs as the core motivator for wildlife conservation has been recommended. The Burhinyi Community Forest in the Democratic Republic of Congo has seen success by adapting traditional belief to modern conservation approaches. Traditional chiefs are even committed to reforesting ape habitats that were destroyed by civil war [4].

 

The Bishnois of Rajasthan, India

In Rajasthan, India, the Bishnoi tribe has about 1 million members following a religion where the main tenant in their belief system is compassion for all living things.

Blackbucks, chinkaras, vultures, partridges, peacocks and even the endangered Great Indian Bustard wander safely in Bishnoi villages [7]. They are protected from poachers by the villagers and also allowed to graze on their land and provided water. Temples double up as rescue centers and women even nurse and look after abandoned calves [7].

 

deer 

Bishnoi woman from Rajasthan breastfeeding a baby deer

Photo Credit Vikas Khanna

 

 

 

The Eeyou Istchee Cree First Nations – Case of the Brook Charr

Indigenous knowledge aids conservation planning. “Traditional knowledge of the brook charr in the Eeyou Istchee Cree First Nations contradicted previous western science pertaining to seasonal migratory habits and population biology. Compiling the knowledge gave valuable information about population viability, breeding areas, and migration patterns of divergent populations, which was used in the maintenance of population diversity” [8].

 

These examples demonstrate how indigenous knowledge and beliefs can promote species biodiversity.

 

Indigenous Knowledge and Beliefs – A Forest Management Tool

Deforestation and forest degradation are responsible for extensive loss of biodiversity and severe degradation of ecosystems.

“Globally, indigenous communities have managed forests in innumerable ways that sustained their livelihoods and cultures, without jeopardizing the capacity of these ecosystems to provide goods and services for future generations” [11].

 

When Locals are isolated

Destruction of Philippines Mt. Kitanglad forests was caused by foreign concepts of resource utilization and management and further had a ripple effect of soil erosion, land and river pollution. It is believed that annihilating the local people from this project caused adverse effects on the forest and ecology [12].

 

protecting forest

Protecting forests is a way of life for people who live in them

Photo Credit Finbarr O’Reilly /Reuters

 

Using Indigenous Knowledge – Chad

Indigenous knowledge based on observing nature helps nomad communities to define their seasonal migration. In Chad, the seasonal movement of communities helps fertilize the soil, creating a natural barrier against deforestation [13].

 

‘Devrai’ – Sacred Groves, Western Ghats, Maharastra, India

The Western Ghats are a biological hotspot. They are revered by locals as ‘Devrai’ meaning sacred groves and are dedicated to the deity of the grove. Norms that govern behavior at the sacred groves have led to their preservation. These groves are benchmarked as less disturbed vegetation due to the traditional management systems employed by the people there based on their indigenous knowledge and beliefs [14].

 

Indigenous Knowledge and Beliefs – A Tool to Promote Native Farming

The world’s farmers are custodians of the world’s biodiversity and possess a wealth of knowledge that can be harvested for its upkeep. Below are some examples:

 

Zambia

In Zambia, the farmers’ evaluation of a high-yielding hybrid maize variety and description of the positive and negative characteristics of locally-adapted open-pollinated varieties led to a more effective national maize breeding program [2].

India

Aware that native crops may become extinct, Rahibai a farmer from Maharastra, India known as the ‘seed mother’ conserves hundreds of native varieties and encourages other farmers to grow traditional crops using indigenous knowledge [10].

Rahibai

Rahibai in her field of native hyacinth bean that she has conserved.

Photo Credit MITTRA

The Mayans

Mayan soil taxonomy uses over 80 descriptive terms for biodiversity in soils, soil heterogeneity, and the adaptive practices required for successful cultivation in changing landscapes [8]. Wilder cites Bassols et al. to explain that Mayan knowledge of the environment is applied through multiple use strategies such as maize production, agroforestry, gardening, beekeeping, hunting, gathering, and fishing. The social and ecological resilience of the Maya is also intertwined with their sacred beliefs [9].

 

A similar use of indigenous knowledge and beliefs can be adapted across cultures globally to combat the impacts of modernization and globalization on farming.

Conclusion

The Paris Agreement on climate change recognized the intrinsic relationship between indigenous people and their environments [13].  An attempt to conserve biodiversity by annihilating locals, ignoring their evolved beliefs and the generations of knowledge they carry is foolhardy.

“Indigenous knowledge and biodiversity are complementary phenomena essential to human development” [2]

As per Reyes-García “Positive outcomes are normally associated with projects in which local communities have been actively involved in co-designing activities, customary institutions have been recognized.” (Science Daily)

In changing times, as we make scientific leaps in the areas of conservation, we must still continue to learn from the old and preserve indigenous knowledge and beliefs to save our planet for future generations.

 

“If people can’t accept the knowledge of indegeneous people, then, that’s their loss.”            -Jay Griffiths

 

References

  1. UNESCO, Local and Indigenous Knowledge Systems, available at http://www.unesco.org/new/en/natural-sciences/priority-areas/links/related-information/what-is-local-and-indigenous-knowledge/#topPage
  2. Warren, D. M. 1992. Indigenous knowledge, biodiversity conservation and development. Keynote address at the International Conference on Conservation of Biodiversity in Africa: Local Initiatives and Institutional Roles, 30 August-3 September 1992, Nairobi, Kenya, available at http://www.ciesin.org/docs/004-173/004-173.html
  3. Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona. “Indigenous knowledge, key to a successful ecosystem restoration.” ScienceDaily. ScienceDaily, 26 February 2019. available at sciencedaily.com/releases/2019/02/190226112300.htm
  4. Giovanni Ortolani, Indigenous traditional knowledge revival helps conserve great apes, Mongabay Series, available at https://news.mongabay.com/2017/01/indigenous-traditional-knowledge-revival-helps-conserve-great-apes/
  5. Abayneh Unasho Gandile, Solomon Mengistu Tessema and Fisha Mesfine Nake, Biodiversity conservation using the indigenous knowledge system: The priority agenda in the case of Zeyse, Zergula and Ganta communities in Gamo Gofa Zone (Southern Ethiopia)2015, available at https://academicjournals.org/journal/IJBC/article-full-text-pdf/F5D0E1264318
  6. Jibrin Abdullahi, Isyaku Usman, Garba Samaila, Aminu Zuni, Importance of Indigenous Knowledge in Biodiversity Conservation: A Case Study of Communities Surrounding Kpashimi Forest Reserve, Niger State, Nigeria, available at http://www.iosrjournals.org/iosr-jestft/papers/vol5-issue6/C0561017.pdf?id=6895
  7. Gangadharan Menon, The Land of The Bishnois – Where Conservation Of Wildlife Is A Religion!, The Better India, available at https://www.thebetterindia.com/5621/the-land-of-the-bishnois-where-conservation-of-wildlife-is-a-religion/
  8. Benjamin T. Wilder, Carolyn O’Meara, Laurie Monti, Gary Paul Nabhan, The Importance of Indigenous Knowledge in Curbing the Loss 
of Language and Biodiversity, BioScience, Volume 66, Issue 6, 1 June 2016, Pages 499–509, https://doi.org/10.1093/biosci/biw026
  9. Barrera-Bassols, N Toledo, V 2005 Ethnoecology of the Yucatec Maya: Symbolism, knowledge, and management of natural resources Journal of Latin American Geography 4941
  10. Ashlesha Deo, Indigenous Seeds, Maharashtra seed mother pioneers conservation of native varieties, Village Square available at https://www.villagesquare.in/2017/09/08/maharashtra-seed-mother-pioneers-conservation-native-varieties/
  11. Traditional knowledge for sustainable forest management and provision of ecosystem services, John Parrotta,Youn Yeo-Chang &Leni D. Camacho2016, available at https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/21513732.2016.1169580?scroll=top&needAccess=true
  12. Vivtorino L. Saway, Indigenous Cultures and Forest Management, available at http://www.fao.org/3/XII/0841-A2.htm
  13. Hindou O Ibrahim, World Economic Forum, Why indigenous people are key to protecting our forests, available at https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/03/indigenous-people-forest-preservation/
  14. Arpita Vipat and Erach Bharucha, “Sacred Groves: The Consequence of Traditional Management,” Journal of Anthropology, vol. 2014, Article ID 595314, 8 pages, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/595314

The Complex Values of Nature in Conservation Action

Author: Michelle Goh

Abstract

The valuation of nature is an important aspect of nature conservation and restoration. The valuation of conservation has shifted from a “nature for itself” focus towards a “people and nature” focus. With this shift in values, conservation tools and techniques have not kept pace with the changing concepts and objectives. Values hold an important role in guiding conservation action. The values discussed in this article are (1) intrinsic value: protecting nature for natures’ sake, (2) instrumental value: protecting nature for humans’ sake and (3) relational values: protecting the relationship between nature and humans. Killing for conservation is one conservation technique that exemplifies the complexity of these values in conservation practice. Moving forward, it will be important to understand the values people hold when making conservation decisions and incorporating these values into conservation action.

Introduction

The valuation of nature is an important feature of nature conservation and restoration because humans are shown to behave in accordance with their values (Swart et al., 2001; Justus, 2009). Ecological restoration can be considered as a value driven human intervention to recover natures integrity when it has been threatened by human activities (Fearnside, 1992). If we can better understand the values that will lead to conservation action, then we can incorporate values with science to determine how we can best progress towards an environmentally focussed future.

Conservation values have shifted from “nature for itself” in the 1960’s towards a “people and nature” focus which emphasises the importance of cultural structures affecting conservation action (Mace, 2014). Scientific tools and techniques have not kept pace with the changing concepts and objectives related to conservation. This disconnect can be exemplified in the practice of killing for conservation.

This article will consider the different ways that the literature assesses values placed on nature and how these values guide conservation action. The conservation technique of killing for conservation will be discussed to show how values are much more complex in practice.

The role of values in conservation

A foundational debate in conservation is whether we protect nature for intrinsic – nature for natures’ sake, or instrumental values – nature for peoples’ sake (Lubchenco, 2014). Chan et al. (2016), adds a third dimension of relational value, which intersects both instrumental and intrinsic values to acknowledge their interaction and additionally include the importance of culture.

Intrinsic, Relational and Instrumental value

Figure 1: Intrinsic, instrumental and relational values can be thought of as a Venn diagram where intrinsic value focuses on nature, instrumental value focuses on people and relational value focuses on the interaction between nature and people. Figure credit: Michelle Goh.

                Intrinsic value

Conservation from an intrinsic value approach views nature and humans as separate, with nature holding value independent of humans (Chan et al, 2016). This is a popular view held by conservationists who manage reserves or protected areas. Nature is regarded as self-regulating and needing little to no human action (Forman et al, 1995)). Despite the view that nature and humans are separate, recreation and other activities are possible if they are considered not to disturb the ecosystem (Swart et al, 2001). Reserves exemplify this with rules such as leaving artefacts within the reserve, staying on trails and departing with no traces of having visited (Turner, 2002). Marris (2016), points out the irony of reserves being viewed as ‘untouched nature’ considering the effort it takes to make something look untouched.

                Instrumental value

Conservation and nature from an instrumental approach is strongly anthropocentric. Conservation actions aim to provide sustainable benefits for people in the form of ecosystem goods and services (Turner & Daily, 2007). Instrumental valuation can easily be blurred with commercial values when conservation programs involve some measure of commodification of nature or prioritisation of rights (Gomez-Baggethun & Ruiz-Perez, 2011). While it could be argued that instrumental valuation focusses too heavily on monetary values, it does clearly link nature to the wellbeing of humans (Fisher et al, 2008). This is an important value that is not captured in the intrinsic valuation approach. It will be critical to understand how nature is linked to human wellbeing because it is likely to be a significant motivational factor to get people involved with future conservation.

                Relational value

Relational value encompasses the values of instrumental and intrinsic value but also focusses on the relationship between people and nature (Klain et al., 2017). By focussing on the interaction between humans and nature, the cultural structures can be determined to understand how conservation can appeal to both values. Relational values should always be considered in environmental policies to assess the existing relationships people have with nature (Gavin et al., 2018). Conservation management should look at local narratives and struggles on a case-by-case basis instead of using instrumental or intrinsic values to determine the best action (Higgs, 2003). A relational values approach cannot eliminate trade-offs, but it does transcend the dichotomy of sustaining either nature or human wellbeing (Chan et al., 2016).

Killing for conservation

While conservation science in the literature has tried to categorise values as described above, looking at one specific conservation tool shows that values are much more complex when used in practice.

Conservation has a long history of attempting to save species by killing individuals of another species (Wallach et al., 2015). While conservation for killing has been strongly supported in the past, it is becoming increasingly apparent that this conservation tool is outdated as conservation values have shifted (Ramp & Bekoff, 2015). Killing for conservation raises ethical dilemmas concerning the values placed on individuals and populations, classification of species as invasive and innately hateful, suppression of one species to advance another and eradication of species from non-native ranges when their populations are threatened in their endemic ranges (Bekoff, 2013).

Based on intrinsic values, conservation killing could be viewed from conflicting perspectives. Conservation killing could be justified to return ecosystems back to pre-human baselines or they could be condemned because they ignore the value of the species themselves. Similarly, from an instrumental perspective, it could be argued that killing species could result in improved ecosystem goods and services, but equally it could be argued that killing for conservation negatively influences human wellbeing. Relational values may explain conservation killing simply as the relationship where humans kill species.

The complexities of these values must be communicated by different stakeholders when deciding on conservation action – no wonder conservation conflict occurs. It is difficult to determine one correct course of action with so many different intersecting values. Moving forward, it will be less important to try and define values into neat buckets, but more important to understand how different values can be incorporated in conservation action. The diagram below depicts a visual presentation of what values will lead to the best conservation actions as described by Higgs (1997).

Conservation value and action

Figure 2: The best conservation actions moving forward are likely to encompass not only an ecological viewpoint, but economic, historical, cultural, social, moral and aesthetic values. It will be important to acknowledge these values holistically when tools, techniques, actions and objectives are formed for conservation. Figure credit: Michelle Goh.

Conclusion

The valuation of nature is an important part of nature conservation and restoration. As the field of conservation science has progressed, the valuation of nature has shifted from “nature for itself” to “people and nature”. The tools and techniques in the field have not transformed to meet the shift in values, concepts or objectives. In the literature, values can be defined as intrinsic, instrumental and relational to show how conservation action can be guided. Killing for conservation is one tool that highlights the complexity of values when used in conservation practice. As the valuation of nature and conservation shifts, it will be increasingly important to understand the complexities of values so that conservation actions, tools and techniques remain aligned with our values.

References

Bekoff, M., editor. 2013. Ignoring nature no more: the case for compassionate conservation. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

Failing, L., Gregory, R., & Higgins, P. (2013). Science, uncertainty, and values in ecological restoration: a case study in structured decision‐making and adaptive management. Restoration Ecology, 21(4), 422-430.

Fearnside, P. M. (1999). Biodiversity as an environmental service in Brazil’s Amazonian forests: risks, value and conservation. Environmental conservation, 26(4), 305-321.

Fisher, B., Turner, K., Zylstra, M., Brouwer, R., De Groot, R., Farber, S., … & Jefferiss, P. (2008). Ecosystem services and economic theory: integration for policy‐relevant research. Ecological applications, 18(8), 2050-2067.

Gavin, M., McCarter, J., Berkes, F., Mead, A., Sterling, E., Tang, R., & Turner, N. (2018). Effective biodiversity conservation requires dynamic, pluralistic, partnership-based approaches. Sustainability, 10(6), 1846.

Gómez-Baggethun, E., & Ruiz-Pérez, M. (2011). Economic valuation and the commodification of ecosystem services. Progress in Physical Geography, 35(5), 613-628.

Higgs, E. (2003). Nature by Design: People, Natural Process, and Ecological Restoration. (MIT Press, Cambridge, MA), p 341.

Higgs, E. S. (1997). What is Good Ecological Restoration? Conservation biology, 11(2), 338-348.

Justus, J., Colyvan, M., Regan, H., & Maguire, L. (2009). Buying into conservation: intrinsic versus instrumental value. Trends in Ecology & Evolution, 24(4), 187-191.

Klain, S. C., Olmsted, P., Chan, K. M., & Satterfield, T. (2017). Relational values resonate broadly and differently than intrinsic or instrumental values, or the New Ecological Paradigm. PloS one, 12(8), e0183962.

Marris, E. (2016). Nature is everywhere – we just need to learn to see it. TedSummit. Received from https://www.ted.com/talks/emma_marris_nature_is_everywhere_we_just_need_to_learn_to_see_it/footnotes?quote=1376

Ramp, D., & Bekoff, M. (2015). Compassion as a practical and evolved ethic for conservation. BioScience, 65(3), 323-327.

Swart, J. A., Van Der Windt, H. J., & Keulartz, J. (2001). Valuation of nature in conservation and restoration. Restoration ecology, 9(2), 230-238.

Tallis H, Lubchenco J (2014) Working together: A call for inclusive conservation. Nature, 515(7525), 27–28.

Turner, J. M. (2002). From Woodcraft to’Leave No Trace’: Wilderness, consumerism, and environmentalism in twentieth-century America. Environmental History, 7(3), 462-484.

Turner, R. K., & Daily, G. C. (2008). The ecosystem services framework and natural capital conservation. Environmental and Resource Economics, 39(1), 25-35.

Wallach, A. D., Bekoff, M., Nelson, M. P., & Ramp, D. (2015). Promoting predators and compassionate conservation. Conservation Biology.

 


Culture, values, and knowledge – Being selfish

Dominic Koch

Abstract

Conservation has undergone numerous changes, evolving with society. This has been reflected in how conservation has been conducted. Where once we considered nature and humans separate. Today, we considered humans and nature one. We recognise the importance nature has both culturally, socially and economically. Conservation in New Zealand today is beginning to undergo another conservation shift, we are beginning to evaluate how we are conducting conservation and for what purpose.

Intro – what’s the deal with conservation?

Conservation is not a science. While it is informed by science, actions and decisions taken reflect those involved in the conservation project. Conservation instead, is mission driven (mace, 2014). Throughout time the goals and values carried and practised change, and this is reflected in how conservation has been conducted. We choose which species or habitats to invest heavily in because of our cultures, values and knowledge (Schultz et al, 2005). If we do not value something why would we endeavour to protect it? We are selfish as conservationists and as people, but this isn’t necessarily bad. We choose to invest resources into something because its of value to us, and I’d argue that’s what makes conservation so effective in New Zealand, because part of our cultural identity is in the birds threatened with extinction (like the kiwi), and part of our cultural identity we wish to preserve (Garibaldi & Turner, 2004). How we conduct conservation must however be considered. In this brief essay conservation as it stands today will be explored and the role of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) has, and what the future of conservation looks like in a growingly inclusive discipline.

 

Conservation – change over time/progression.

Culture, values and knowledge are of extreme importance in conservation and influence the outcomes. Conservation and the way people perceive nature has undergone multiple reforms (Mace, 2014). This is derived from the values we hold and how they have changed over time. Conservation reflects these values. Conservation prior to the 1960s was very exclusive of humans from nature and this has carried through to today in the form of reserves and preserves (Mace, 2014). The mindsets at the time perceived nature as ‘nature for itself’ and people apart from nature. This is a prevalent dualism, the human-nature dualism (Durkheim, 2005). We regard nature and humans as separate, much the same way we separate native from invasive or natural from unnatural.

This dualism along with our values effects how we conduct conservation and interact with nature (Durkheim, 2005). Conservation prior to the 1960s prioritised wilderness and intact natural habitats (Mace, 2014). These wild places were perceived to be largely untouched by humans, as at that time we did not consider ourselves (at least in western culture) as part of nature (Plumwood, 1991). In the same sense, we pushed our Western ideas of conservation onto other nations and cultures (Adams & Mulligan, 2003). This is not to say other cultures did not practise conservation but the ideologies behind western conservation were different to other cultures. For example, Maori perceived themselves as guardians of the land or American Indians as an integral part of nature (Roberts et al, 1995; Greider & Garkovich, 1994). This Dominant Western ideology of humans separate to nature continues to be a dominant perspective today (Durkheim, 2005).

The 1970-80’s saw a rapid growing awareness of humans impacts on the environment and its destruction (Mace, 2014). This realisation lead to conservation focussing on the threats presented to both species and habitats posed by humans, and ways to mitigate and reverse the effects (Mace, 2014). Conservation at the time focussed on ‘nature despite people’ (Mace, 2014). At the same time, this was when ideas of sustainable harvest and population viability arose, as well as debating the effectiveness of community-based management (Hutton et al, 2011).

By the 1990’s it became clear that current conservation strategies were not working, extinction rates were climbing (Mace, 2014). At the same time, it became clear that the goods and services nature provides are invaluable and irreplaceable to humans, and yet our ignorance saw their quality decline due to mismanagement (Rao, 2002). The potential benefits to be gained from proper management became evidently clear. A conservation focus shift occurred (Mace, 2014). Conservation shifted from individual species to entire ecosystems and sustainable management of those ecosystems was at the forefront of conversation (Rao, 2002). With the aim of providing benefits to all through improved ecosystem goods and services. This came as the next change in direction of conservation management, improving nature for the benefit of people – ‘nature for people’.

Fast forwarding to today, people and nature are more widely accepted of being the same. The way we use and perceive nature, however, has grown increasingly utilitarian (Kellerts, 1993). Following on, conservation within New Zealand is likely to undergo reform. Presently, we are caught in a state of remorse, morning for biodiversity we’ve lost (Trigger& Mulcock, 1970). We are too eager to blame our loss on those we brought with us rather than to blame ourselves for the destruction of the environment and loss of biodiversity. This unifying morning has been used to further emphasis blame onto introduced species, by forming campaigns such as the battle for the birds or war on weeds (DOC, 2019). We are omitting blame where it is due. We are currently caught trying to recreate and go back to the past in a world constantly moving forward. People and nature are one of the same and must move forward with the constantly changing world. Outside western culture, this is widely accepted (Salmon, 2000). Indigenous cultures are instead living with and connected to nature (Salmon, 2000). they look to the future rather than at the past. Because of this TEK is becoming increasingly relevant in the scientific community. The new culture we develop must be able to accommodate future changes and adapt.

Conclusion – what’s next?

Conservation has undergone a series of reforms. The way society perceives nature has changed, and for the better. Today we recognise the value nature holds both in terms of its serves and natural beauty. New Zealand conservation is beginning to undergo another reform, we are starting to become more self-aware of our actions and the implications they have on the environment and on biodiversity. As conservationists, we must stop grieving the past and instead look to the future.

 

References

Mace, G. M. (2014). Whose conservation?. Science, 345(6204), 1558-1560.

 

Hutton, J., Adams, W. M., & Murombedzi, J. C. (2005, December). Back to the barriers? Changing narratives in biodiversity conservation. In Forum for development studies (Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 341-370). Taylor & Francis Group.

Schultz, P. W., Gouveia, V. V., Cameron, L. D., Tankha, G., Schmuck, P., & Franěk, M. (2005). Values and their relationship to environmental concern and conservation behavior. Journal of cross-cultural psychology, 36(4), 457-475.

Garibaldi, A., & Turner, N. (2004). Cultural keystone species: implications for ecological conservation and restoration. Ecology and society, 9(3).

Durkheim, E. (2005). The dualism of human nature and its social conditions. Durkheimian Studies11(1), 35-45.

Plumwood, V. (1991). Nature, self, and gender: Feminism, environmental philosophy, and the critique of rationalism. Hypatia6(1), 3-27.

Adams, W. M., & Mulligan, M. (Eds.). (2003). Decolonizing nature: strategies for conservation in a post-colonial era. Earthscan.

Greider, T., & Garkovich, L. (1994). Landscapes: The social construction of nature and the environment. Rural Sociology, 59(1), 1-24.

Rao, M. (2002). Wild-meat use, food security, livelihoods, and conservation. Conservation Biology, 16(3), 580-583.

Trigger, D., & Mulcock, J. (1970). Native vs exotic: cultural discourses about flora, fauna and belonging in Australia. WIT Transactions on Ecology and the Environment, 84.


The [Media] Who Cried Wolf

By: Kirsten Harms

Abstract

Media plays an important role in shaping perspectives and values. This essay will examine what is often hidden in media and how media can play a role in our valuing of nature. Several different media types will be examined for biases. This essay will also examine how these biases can be dangerous to conservation by creating reader confusion, distrust, or apathy.

Introduction

Culture plays an important role in our valuing of the natural world. For example someone from New Zealand may have a particular fondness for the Kiwi bird where someone from the other side of the globe may have never heard of such a bird. In this sense, we tend to value the parts of nature that we connect with. One way we can connect with nature is through what the media exposes us to. Despite growing up in a landlocked province, I fell in love with the ocean through watching nature documentaries. Media can give us a sense of closeness to nature that we are not physically close to. In this way, media can shape our values. For the sake of this essay, media is meant as readily available knowledge in the form or news, internet, television, movies, etc.

The case I’ve provided of myself falling in love with the ocean is an example of media creating a sense of wonder and passion but media can also create feelings of guilt, fear, confusion, sadness or anger. I will be focusing on how the media can create these feelings and how this can shape our values. I will also be touching on the subject of alarmism. Alarmism is the use of hyperbole to create the type of unpleasant feelings mentioned earlier [1]. I will explore case studies of media either intentionally or unintentionally using alarmism, and how this can alter our values of nature.

Biodiversity Loss or Enticing Headline?

I would lose count of the times I’ve seen a statement along the lines of “[species name] could be extinct within [____] years if nothing is done.” To illustrate this point I’ve found some examples. The first being; “Half of the Great Barrier Reef is Dead” [2] a 2018 headline by National Geographic. A second example is “Unless we change our ways of producing food, insects as a whole will go down the path of extinction in a few decades” [3] a sentence from a 2019 paper by Sánchez-Bayoa and Wyckhuys. Both of these are very bold and in my opinion alarming statements. Another organization with alarming information is the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN). The IUCN’s Redlist of species bases their population data on the home range of a particular species, so where a species may be listed as threatened in its home range it may be highly successful in another new territory [1]. Reading that half of the Great Barrier Reef is dead, that all insects could soon be extinct, or that a particular species is endangered could be alarming and shift one’s attention and values to those areas. None of these examples are necessarily trying to deceive the reader, but rather they present information in a way that can be misleading and leave the readier with a darker perspective.

What are the hidden sides of these stories? To start, stating that half of the world’s largest reef is dead when coral only makes up a portion of a reef ecosystem is a bold claim [4]. Additionally the National Geographic article is loose with the terms death and bleaching [2]. Bleaching is when the coral under stressful conditions expels its symbiotic microalgae called Symbiodinium [5]. This makes it harder for the coral to obtain nutrients, but the coral can recover, so is therefore not dead [6]. With the case of the insect paper by Sánchez-Bayoa and Wyckhuys, flawed methods have been found which skew the results [1]. As for the IUCN, as stated, they simply fail to take into account not native-living species as a part of their population counts, thus altering their results [1].

Valued Species or Scapegoat?

Recently in In Western Canada there has been a proposed federal bill (Bill C-48) that would ban any large (oil cargo >12 500 metric tons) oil tanker traffic off the coast of British Columbia [7]. The proponents of this bill state that the tanker traffic and the associated threat of oil spills would be dangerous for the Southern Resident Orcas in the area [8]. I have noticed article titles such as “Oil Tankers: A killer for whales” [8] popping up more frequently as the bill returns to the senate for yet another review [7]. These articles tend to provide a rather one sided view of the situation at hand. To the unknowing reader it may appear as if the bill would serve only to protect the whales.

What is the hidden side of this story? As this is a political example, it is more complex than simply protecting orcas. For example the Marine Mammal Commission states that one of the single largest threats to the Southern Resident Orcas is prey availability, and although ship strikes are a threat, the risks of oil spills are not mentioned once [9]. It has also been suggested that third parties from the US have been financially supporting any action that will keep Western Canada’s oil landlocked. This would therefore maintain the oil being sold at a discount to the US [10]. This of course has nothing to do with the orcas whatsoever.

Impact of Climate Change or Natural Event?

I recently watched an episode of the new Netflix show “Our Planet” [11]. The particular episode was on polar species. One scene featured walruses hauled out on a small patch of land. The footage showed walruses climbing high up onto steep cliffs and occasionally slipping and falling to their death. The narration suggested that climate change is limiting ice flow availability and forcing more and more walruses onto small rocky islands. It suggested that the walruses climb up the cliffs to avoid being crushed by the masses [11]. The footage was extremely difficult to watch and I personally couldn’t stop thinking about it for days on end.

What was hidden by this episode? Put simply; polar bears. Scientists familiar with the area have come forward stating that the polar bears drive the walrus off the cliffs as a hunting technique and that climate change is not responsible for those particular walrus deaths [12].

10986236-3x2-700x467.jpg

Image from the episode of a walrus falling from a cliff  (www.abc.net.au) [14]

Why Do These Messages Exist?

The simple answer is bias. Even peer reviewed scientific articles can have biases [3]. The message in most of the above cases is presented in a way that can be shocking or unsettling. These feelings can shift ones viewpoint or give new emphasis or value to a topic. They can also influence culture in the sense of what is widely discussed. For example the Netflix series “Our Planet” mentioned earlier is estimated to be seen by over 14% of the global population [13].

How Is This Harmful?

It may be difficult to see how advocating for orcas, creating a buzz around climate change, or warning about the threat of food production standards on insects, could possibly be a bad thing. These messages are helping make people aware of important issues. Someone from Manitoba Canada, having never before seen an orca may now care about the future of Southern Resident Orcas because of the hype around Bill C-48. The problem is when the media does not accurately represent both sides of an issue. As stated, each of the mentioned cases has an alternate side. If people are led to believe a certain idea, and then discover opposing facts this can create confusion and distrust [1]. Its like the story of the boy who cried wolf, if we keep being fed exaggerated or overly biased stories, we may be more hesitant to value future information in more dire situations.

Conclusion

What we see, hear, and discuss influences what we value. What we value influences how we feel and act. We as citizens, researchers, activists, conservationists, and the like, need to understand how the media can influence our values, for better or worse, and constantly remember that moving forward.

 

 

Citations

1. Komonen, A., Halme, P., & Kotiaho, J. S. (2019). Alarmist by bad design : Strongly popularized unsubstantiated claims undermine credibility of conservation science. Rethinking Ecology, 4, 17- 19. doi:10.3897/rethinkingecology.4.34440

2. James, Lauren E. “Half of the Great Barrier Reef Is Dead.” National Geographic, 7 Aug. 2018, www.nationalgeographic.com/magazine/2018/08/explore-atlas-great-barrier-reef- coral-bleaching-map-climate-change/.

3. Sánchez-Bayo, Francisco, and Kris A.g. Wyckhuys. “Worldwide Decline of the Entomofauna: A Review of Its Drivers.” Biological Conservation, vol. 232, 2019, pp. 8–27., doi:10.1016/ j.biocon.2019.01.020.

4. Polovina, J. J. (1984). Model of a coral reef ecosystem. Coral reefs, 3(1), 1-11.

5. Brown, B. E. (1997). Coral bleaching: causes and consequences. Coral reefs, 16(1), S129- S138.

6. US Department of Commerce, and National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. “What Is Coral Bleaching?” NOAA’s National Ocean Service, 15 Mar. 2010, oceanservice.noaa.gov/facts/coral_bleach.html.

7. “Bill C-48.” Openparliament.ca, openparliament.ca/bills/42-1/C-48/.

8. “Oil Tankers: a Killer for Whales.” Raincoast Conservation Foundation, 31 May 2019, www.raincoast.org/2018/05/oil-tankers-a-killer-for-whales/.

9. “Southern Resident Killer Whale.” Marine Mammal Commission, www.mmc.gov/priority- topics/species-of-concern/southern-resident-killer-whale/ .

10. Financial Post. “Vivian Krause: Rachel Notley, the Rockefellers and Alberta’s Landlocked Oil.” Financial Post, 13 Apr. 2019, business.financialpost.com/opinion/vivian-krause- rachel-notley-the-rockefellers-and-albertas-landlocked-oil.

11. “Our Planet.” Netflix Official Site, 5 Apr. 2019, www.netflix.com/title/80049832.

12. Massey, Jake. “David Attenborough’s Our Planet Mass Walrus Death Scene Accused Of Being ‘Lie’.” LADbible, LADbible http://Www.ladbible.com/Assets/Images/Theme/Logo- Blk.png, 19 Apr. 2019, www.ladbible.com/entertainment/film-and-tv-netflixs-our-planet- mass-walrus-death-scene-accused-of-being-lie-20190419 .

13. Singh, Anita. “Netflix Series Our Planet ‘Will Reach One Billion People in a Way the BBC Cannot Match’.” The Telegraph, Telegraph Media Group, 1 Apr. 2019, www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2019/04/01/netflix-series-planet-will-reach-one-billion-people- way-bbc/.

14. Viewers left shocked after new Attenborough documentary shows walruses falling down cliffs. (2019, April 09). Retrieved from https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-04-09/walrus-falling-down-cliff-our-planet-netflix-david-attenborough/10986140


Humans as a part of nature, traditional land management in nature conservation

By Tom Hewitt

Abstract:

For much of modern history humans have viewed themselves as separate from nature, this attitude has shaped the way in which we interpret the natural world and how we prioritise species conservation and ecosystem management. It is also in this vein that ecological research is been conducted with scientists often prioritising research on natural and undisturbed ecosystems whilst ignoring those most modified by humans. Fixation on these systems has prevented us from studying and managing ecosystems in the places where people live, where the benefits of conservation are often the most tangible. Traditional land management techniques provide alternative conservation strategies to produce cultural and environmental vales from landscapes and utilise traditional ecological knowledge to create human based ecologies that treat humans as part of the natural world. The loss and underutilisation of these practices represents a great loss to conservation. 

Conservation values.

It can be tricky to establish the ethical justification for nature conservation beyond providing the support systems necessary for human survival. However most human societies apportion some intrinsic value to nature which often form the basis of regional identity as well as cultural and spiritual practices. Over the past century conservation has tended towards reservation type conservation where human modification of land is kept to a minimum. This approach is also a manifestation of the human nature dualism that assigns value to landscapes according to their perceived naturalness freedom from human interference (Peterson, 2006). It is increasingly acknowledged that virtually all landscapes exhibit some form of human influence which calls into question the validity of valuing naturalness in ecosystems (Cronon, 1996). In some cases, the natural landscapes which we have tried to preserve are in fact artefacts of human influence and removing people from the landscape has led to a loss of both cultural and biological values for which they were originally protected (Brook, 2006).

Modern restoration ecology is also heavily influenced the view of humans as antithetical to nature, with restoration ecologists often aiming to replicate systems as they would appear without human modification. This approach is often assumed to produce the greatest benefits in terms of biodiversity, but this is in part based on the belief that species and ecosystems associated with humans are inherently worse (Ehrlich, 2002; Yanco, 2019). This cookie cutter approach to restoration can ignore the local social and environmental realities of the landscapes and species which they want to restore and passes up on the opportunities to create human based ecologies which can deliver cultural, economic and biodiversity values (Gavin et al, 2015).

Traditional knowledge:

For most of human history a close relationship with the living world was the norm, societies were acutely aware of changes in the world around them and upon which their survival depended. This close relationship with nature would have created a large amount of informal but extensive knowledge about species, ecosystems and landscapes. For example, in traditional new Guinean societies, which can rely on farming and hunting and gathering, there exists an all most encyclopaedic knowledge of the species of plants and animals in this environment, many of which are yet to be formally described by science (Radcliffe et al, 2016). In a more globalised world these cultural associations have been eroded and people have become more detached from the natural processes which enable their existence (Schultz, 2003). This represents a great loss not only in terms of cultural associations but also of useful knowledge about the world around us which we can use to inform conservation and create sustainable land management practices. Much of this local and traditional knowledge is not actively utilised by scientists and neglected as a source of ecological information because it is seen as lacking scientific rigour or its existence simply not known. The overwhelming complexity of different ecosystems and local conditions means that often adequate scientific knowledge about the functioning of a specific ecosystem is lacking, in these instances traditional knowledge about ecosystems may be the best or only information available (Berkes, 2000).Chauvet Cave

Figure 1 Stone age cave art in the Chauvet Cave in France, for most of human history detailed knowledge of the natural world was the norm. Image  Source: UNESCO

Traditional land management:

Land management practices which incorporate traditional ecological knowledge are in many instances able to provide economic, cultural and environmental benefits not always produced by conventional land management. Traditional farming methods are often less intensive and take advantage of local conditions rather than relying on large scale landscape modification and the addition of nutrient subsidies to be productive. In many instances natural features of the landscape are maintained and these environments can support higher levels of biodiversity than conventional farming and in some cases wild ecosystems. Traditional management practices are also adaptive and have been altered over generations in response to unpredictable and infrequent events not easily studied by modern scientists (Uprety et al, 2000). The decline of traditional management practices has been implicated in the decline of associated species (Bernaldez, 1991), for instance the decline of semi natural grasslands in Sweden due to changes in farming practices have been correlated with the declines of many associated species such as grassland butterflies (Dahlstrom et al, 2008).

Wildlfower meadowFigure 2 A traditional European wildflower meadow, the decline of traditional farming practices has led to a loss of these landscapes and their associated wildlife. Image Source: Financial Times

The use of traditional management practices also promotes active management from members of the community. This allows people to engage with nature in a direct way, the extent to which people feel that they are a part of nature has been reported as effecting the amount to which people value the environment (Schultz, 2003; Linnell et al, 2015). In many instances allowing a sustainable harvest of resources from the environment through traditional management fosters a sense of ownership and stewardship in local communities and better management of the resource. For instance, the sustainable harvest of Titi (Puffinus griseus) on Stewart island in New Zealand by Rakiura Maori maintains the cultural significance of the species to local people whilst maintaining traditional knowledge about sustainable management (Moller, Kitson & Downs, 2009).

Of course, traditional land management practices are not enough to solve all conservation problems and more conventional conservation which reduces human interference is necessary for many species. Specialist species with highly specific habitat requirements are unlikely to benefit from traditional management techniques. The high biodiversity values provided by some of the least human impacted habitats on earth cannot easily be reproduced by human focused ecologies and in these instances, reservation is still the best option. Traditional management practices utilising traditional ecological knowledge should be considered as one of the many ecological tools in the toolbox for conservation and can be used to produce a range of values.

Conclusions:

In recent history humans have tended to treat themselves as separate from nature, this approach has yielded many benefits for species conservation but has resulted in an underutilisation of traditional knowledge and land management practices representing a loss for conservation. By acknowledging that humans are a part of the environment we can incorporate a wider range of solutions to ecological problems and satisfy the cultural, economic and biological values of society.

References:

Berkes, F., Colding, J., & Folke, C. (2000). Rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as adaptive management. Ecological Applications, 10(5), 1251-1262

Bernaldez, F, G. (1991). Ecological consequences of the abandonment of traditional land use systems in central Spain. Options Mediterraneennes, 15, 23-29

Bogner, F, X., & Wiseman, M. (1997). Environmental perception of rural and urban pupils. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 17, 111-122

Brook, I. (2006). Restoring landscapes: the authenticity problem. Earth Surface Processes and Landforms, 31(13)

Dahlstrom, A., Lennartsson,T., Wissman, J., & Frycklund, I. (2008). Biodiversity and Traditional Land use in South-Central Sweden: The Significance of Management Timing. Environment an History, 14, 385-403

Ehrlich, P, R. (2002). Human Natures, Mature Conservation, and Environmental ethics. BioScience, 52(1), 31-42

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Bridging the Science-Culture Gap

Isaac Weaver (300392153)

Abstract

Hinduism states the Ganges river is of divine origin. Having been blessed by the three supreme gods, the Ganges known as the goddess Ganga “the purifier” has the power to cleanse all sins. This belief makes dealing with the pollution issues that faces the Ganges difficult. Many Hindus are unwilling to accept that Ganges (the sacred embodiment of Ganga) could be impure or polluted. However, the high levels of toxic heavy metal and biological waste is a substantial public health risk. The government of India has tried to solve the issue through the Namami Ganga Programme (NGP) but has failed. The failure results from a lack of support from the people for the building of sewage treatment facilities. However, the NGP has been successful at bridging the gap between culture and science. The NGP has used religious ceremony to communicate environmental awareness to a previously unreceptive audience. These ceremonies tie scientific principles with culture and spirituality and may help the NGP gain much-needed momentum.

Introduction

The Ganges or Ganga river flows from the western Himalayas to the Bay of Bengal. The 2525km long river is spiritually and culturally significant to the people that live alongside it. The river is worshipped as the goddess Ganga “the purifier” in Hinduism. However, Ganges is one of the world’s most polluted freshwater systems. In the rise of India’s role as a world superpower the urbanisation and industrialisation of lands aside the Ganges has boomed (Troch, 2018.) The waste from urban and industrial areas are dumped into the Ganges leading to increases in pathogenic bacteria and toxic heavy metals. The river is also full of human and other animal corpses from religious ceremonies (Jaiswal et al., 2017). To clean the Ganges, the Government of India (GoI) launched the USD 3 Billion Namami Gange Programme (NGP) (Mukherjee, 2019.) However, devout Hindus believe that the water cannot be impure and to suggest that it is has been a contentious issue for the GoI. To overcome the controversial nature of the issue, the GoI’s Namami Ganga programme has engaged in cultural outreach through the use of religious ceremonies and religious officials. 

 

The Ganges Religious Origin

The Ganges River is one of the most sacred sites in Hinduism and was formed during the Avatarana (Descent of Ganga). It is said to originate from the three supreme gods, the creator, the destroyer and the preserver. The legend begins when Lord Vishnu (the preserver) attempted to measure the universe with his left leg. With his foot extended, his toenail punctured a hole in the edge of the universe, allowing divine water to enter the universe as the Goddess Ganga. The pink hue of the Ganges is said to be caused by saffron washed off the feet of Lord Vishnu. The water depicted as the goddess Ganga then flows into the realm of Lord Brahma (the creator).  Brahma then sends Ganga to earth to purify the people of King Bhagiratha. Insulted Ganga tried to destroy all life on earth. However, before reaching earth, Ganga is trapped by Lord Shiva (the destroyer).  To protect, the earth Ganga is released in streams of purifying holy water which formed the Ganges River (Eck,1998.)

Ravi_Varma-Descent_of_Ganga

The Avatarana (descent of Ganga) painting by Raja Ravi Varma https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ganges

Culture and Science 

Many Hindus do not accept that the river Ganges is polluted. To Hindus the river known as the goddess Ganga Ma, who is the purifier or mother. Because the water has passed through and touched the three supreme gods, it is considered extremely sacred. Bathing in the river pays homage to ancestors, gods and purifies the soul. The Ganga is also seen as a way to ascend into Swarga (Hindu Heaven) (Luthy, 2019). In the city of Varanasi, bodies are cremated on the stepped banks (Ghats) of the Ganges, and the ashes pushed into the waters (McDonald, 2018.) This ritual results in the deceased being absolved of all sins escaping reincarnation and being honoured in Swarga. The water of the Ganges is known as Ganga Jal (Ganga’s holy water.) It is said to have a sacred cleansing ability to wash away sin and improve health (Bhargava, 2014). Therefore, calling the water polluted and in need of cleaning has been contentious (Das & Tamminga 2012; Kedzior, 2014.)

poopoohead

B.D. Tripathi former member of the National Ganga River Basin Authority (NGRBA). The NGRBA is the authority in charge of the NGP river clean up. In this interview B.D. Tripathi promotes the mythological benefits of drinking Ganga Jal although it is not deemed fit for human consumption. (VICE, 2019)  

However, the Ganges River is highly polluted with biological and toxic heavy metal wastes. 2550 million litres per day (MLD) of raw sewage is pumped directly into the Ganges river. Furthermore, it is estimated that over 100,000 human bodies are partially cremated and pushed into the river. This results in high levels of bacteria per unit of water, which is unsafe for human consumption and bathing (Zhang et al., 2019). The largest polluters of heavy metal wastes along the Ganges are the Tanneries in the city of Kanpur. Over 264 tanneries are producing between 5.8 and 8.8 MLD of wastewater (Chaudhary & Walker, 2019.) These tanneries produce a high level of chromium, a heavy metal associated with developmental disorders, kidney damage and liver cancer. These tanneries also produce high levels of cadmium, zinc and mercury. The river sediments show high levels of toxic waste accumulation and the fish show high levels of bioaccumulation (Tripathi et al.,2017.) The toxic waste accumulation in the sediments and fish and the high levels of faecal matter and bacteria makes the Ganges one of the most highly polluted freshwater systems in the world. 

Pooo

Kanpur sewerage outflow directly into the Ganges producing 150 MLD of wastewater (VICE, 2019)

Cultural Outreach (NGP)

Critics of the Namami Ganga programme have argued that it is a failure. The program was initially set up to build treatment facilities to reduce pollution from sewerage. The programme has spent USD 205 Million in 3 years and build no treatment facilities, as they have had to fight corruption and lack of support from the people (Natarajan, 2016; Rahman, 2017.) However, the programme has been successful at public engagement bringing culture and science together.

Through religious ceremonies and religious officials, the GoI are bringing ancient Hindu culture and modern science together (Luthy, 2019.) Spiritual Gurus can reach millions of devoted followers that government environmentalist has failed to engage. The GoI has been working with ashram (spiritual hermitage/ monastery) to raise awareness through Ganga aarti (Sacred ritual honouring Ganga).  Ganga aarti is a spiritual ceremony conducted to honour the goddess Ganga and engage the senses. It involves singing, speeches, incense, dance, lights, giving of divine gifts, offerings and many means of stimulating the senses (Zara, 2015.) With senses stimulated, spiritual Gurus install the virtues of environmental awareness through sacred ritual.

The Parmarth Niketan ashram regularly practices environmental focussed Ganga aarti. One method this ashram has employed through Ganga aarti is to invite notable environmentalists like Vijaypal “Green Man” Baghel to speak at Ganga aarti. These speakers are welcomed onto the ashram through a ritual ceremony involving giving of a divine gift.  Furthermore, the gurus, like Pujya Swami Chidanand Saraswatiji of Parmarth Niketan ashram, then utter panegyric praise supporting the speaker (Luthy, 2019.) This opens the cultural dialogue and allows the speaker to communicate a scientific message to a historically unreceptive audience (Kedzior, 2014.) The spiritual engagement and scientific communication at the Ganga aarti evoke a more profound reverence for the Ganges and inspire the need for environmental action (Singh, 2016).

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 Pujya Swami Chidanand Saraswatiji (Center) of Parmarth Niketan ashram leading fire ceremony of the Ganga aarti to show reverence for Ganga. (NPR, 2017)

Conclusion

Cultural belief and science do not always go together well. The Ganges river is severely polluted. The high levels of bacteria and toxic accumulation poses a massive threat to public health. Considering 25% of India’s water resources are derived from the Ganges, there is potential for disaster. However, Hindus believe the divine origins of the Ganges means that it can never be impure. To suggest that the Ganga is polluted has been contentious. The controversial nature has meant the NGP has been ineffective and failed to build any infostructure to solve the pollution issue.  Where the programme has been successful in breaking down cultural barriers and communicating science to a new and critical audience. Hindus. By making scientific issues like heavy metal and biological pollution, a cultural and spiritual issue, the NGP might gain momentum. This momentum will be essential to help protect the polluted purifier. 

References

Bhargava, D. S. (2014). Nature’s Cure of the Ganga: The Ganga-Jal. In Our National River Ganga (pp. 171-188). Springer, Cham.

Chaudhary, M., & Walker, T. R. (2019). River Ganga pollution: Causes and failed management plans (correspondence on Dwivedi et al. 2018. Ganga water pollution: A potential health threat to inhabitants of Ganga basin. Environment International 117, 327–338). Environment international126, 202-206.

Das, P., & Tamminga, K. R. (2012). The Ganges and the GAP: an assessment of efforts to clean a sacred river. Sustainability4(8), 1647-1668.

Eck, D.(1998), “Gangā: The Goddess Ganges in Hindu Sacred Geography”, in Hawley, John Stratton; Wulff, Donna Marie (eds.), Devī: Goddesses of India, University of California / Motilal Banarasidass, pp. 137–53, ISBN 978-8120814912

Jaiswal, S. K., Gupta, V. K., Maurya, A., & Singh, R. (2017). Changes in water quality index of different Ghats of Ganges River in Patna. International Journal of Emerging Trends in Science & Technology4(08), 5549-5555.

Kedzior, S. B. (2014). Ganga: the benevolent purifier under siege. Nidan: International Journal for Indian Studies26(2), 20-43.

Luthy, T. (2019). Bhajan on the Banks of the Ganga: Increasing Environmental Awareness via Devotional Practice. Journal of Dharma Studies, 1-12.

McDonald, J. (2018). Life and death in the holy city of Varanasi and the state of the Ganges. Arena Magazine (Fitzroy, Vic), (154), 26.

Mukherjee, M. (2019). Agenda Setting in India: Examining the Ganges Pollution Control Program Through the Lens of Multiple Streams Framework. In Public Policy Research in the Global South (pp. 231-246). Springer, Cham.

Natarajan, P. M., Kallolikar, S., & Ganesh, S. (2016). Transforming Ganges to be a living river through waste water management. World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology, International Journal of Environmental, Chemical, Ecological, Geological and Geophysical Engineering10(2), 251-260.

NPR. (2016) – https://www.npr.org/sections/parallels/2017/07/02/535017334/will-giving-the-ganges-human-rights-protect-the-polluted-river

Rahman, A. (2017). Exploitation and rejuvenation of River Ganges: polices, institutions and governance. In Proceedings of 1st International Conference on Water and Environmental Engineering (iCWEE), Sydney, Australia, 20-22 November, 2017 (pp. 28-37).

Singh, R. (2016). Cultural and scientific aspect of river Ganga. Indian Journal of Life Sciences5(2), 119-123.

Tripathi, A., Kumar, N., & Chauhan, D. K. (2017). Understanding Integrated Impacts of Climate Change and Pollution on Ganges River System: A Mini Review on Biological Effects, Knowledge Gaps and Research Needs. SM J Biol3(1), 1017.

Troch, M. (2018). Impact of urban activity on Ganges water quality and ecology: case study Kanpur.

VICE, (2019) – https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v8lu9ntmPJo&t=352s

Zara, C. (2015). Rethinking the tourist gaze through the Hindu eyes: The Ganga Aarti celebration in Varanasi, India. Tourist Studies15(1), 27-45.

Zhang, S. Y., Tsementzi, D., Hatt, J. K., Bivins, A., Khelurkar, N., Brown, J., … & Konstantinidis, K. T. (2019). Intensive allochthonous inputs along the Ganges River and their effect on microbial community composition and dynamics. Environmental microbiology21(1), 182-196.


The Dai people: Indigenous cultures inspiring conservation and land management practices

By Matt Howse

Abstract:

Both cultures and biodiversity are facing declines worldwide. These cultures have substantial, often under realised, value in the race to preserve biodiversity. Over many generations, these cultures have acquired traditional ecological knowledge about their homelands and this has informed their land management practices. The Dai people, of southwest China, are such a group. Their traditional knowledge passed down through their religious teachings has shaped the way they use the land. Their traditional sacred forests, managed fuelwood groves and stream-catchment preserves all directly and indirectly act to preserve nature. Following the suppression of their culture, biodiversity went into decline in the region. Forests were lost and water quality reduced. Now people are seeing the benefits of the revitalisation of the Dai culture and their traditional land management practices. This is just one of many cultures throughout the world that could inform our policies surrounding biodiversity preservation. Perhaps to halt natures decline we must first halt the decline of our cultures.

Introduction:

Studies on species biodiversity around the world suggest that we are currently experiencing a biodiversity crisis (Novacek & Cleland, 2001; Wake & Vrendeburg, 2008; Koh et al., 2004). The Earth is losing species at an alarming rate due to the effects of a rapidly expanding human population. As human influence spread, endemic species with restricted ranges are declining most rapidly (Irwin et al., 2010; Purwin et al., 2000) and ecosystems are becoming increasingly homogenous (Lososová et al., 2012). A similar phenomenon is occurring with the world’s cultural diversity. Languages, like species, are also facing high rates of decline (Krauss, 1992; Sutherland 2003) and many regions around the world are experiencing a linguistic homogenisation (Loh & Harmon, 2014). Language is considered a key part of any culture and the loss of language can often be translated to a loss of cultural and traditional knowledge. Many groups around the world hold nature to in high regard and their practices can often, directly or indirectly, act to conserve biodiversity. In this piece, I will discuss the Dai culture of south-western China as an example of how traditional cultural practices act to preserve and protect biodiversity. I will also discuss how their, and other cultures revitalisation can inspire management practices to continue this into the future.

xishuangbanna

Location of Xishuangbanna (WildChina tours) 

The Dai people

The Dai people are a minority group from the Peoples Republic of China, predominantly living in the Xishuangbanna Autonomous Prefecture of the Yunnan province, in the southwest of the country (Kui, 1997). The people follow a mix of Buddhist and Polytheistic beliefs and the maintenance of the environment around them was heavily influenced by these beliefs (Wu, Liu & Liu, 2001). Traditionally, the Dai hold reverence for sacred sites such as ‘holy hill forests’. In Dai culture, the forests were considered part of the spiritual realm and the home of the gods and so human use of the forests was strictly regulated (Liu et al., 2002). To help protect and preserve these forests, the Dai maintained their own fuelwood forests where they grew trees (predominately Cassinea siamea) for firewood (Yang et al., 2004). This reduced the cost of labour as the trees were grown near the village rather than collected from the forests. These fuelwood forests also acted to prevent riverbank erosion and provide shade for villagers (Wu, Liu & Liu, 2001). Water was also held in high regard in Dai culture so forests surrounding stream catchments were also preserved to maintain water quality (Yang et al., 2004). The passing on of traditional ecological knowledge and religious beliefs in Dai culture allowed people to preserve much of the biodiversity of the region while still actively maintaining a productive landscape.

Dai culture

Diagram of the hierarchy at the centre of Dai cultural beliefs as stated in Wu, Liu and Liu (2001).

Cultural and biological decline

In the 1960s and 70s, the Chinese government saw the rubber industry as a way to increase economic development in Xishuangbanna. During this time there was an influx of Han migrants from central China who set about establishing rubber plantations. The Han cleared much of the existing forest and set up monocultures of rubber trees (Hevea brasiliensis) (Wu, Liu & Liu, 2001). The sacred forests of the Dai people were labeled superstitious and their culture, along with traditional land management, was suppressed. The government’s push for largescale industry in lead to the loss of many of these sacred forests and a decline in the biodiversity they held (Xu & Lu, 2005).  Many of the indigenous people of southwest China benefitted from the new economic opportunities brought to the region (Xu & Ribot, 2004). These opportunities did however come at the expense of their culture and left many, in groups such as the Dai, with a lack of knowledge about their cultural identity and resource management (Xu & Lu, 2005). The results were reduced biodiversity in the region, water quality issues, increased soil erosion and changes to climate (Xu & Ribot, 2004). It was after people began to feel the effects of these issues occurring, and seeing the flow on effects to other peoples downstream, that action was started.

Cultural revitalisation and management inspiration

The government began to see the value of some of the cultural practices employed by the Dai. After the 1980s, the planting of fuelwood forests and rebuilding of Buddhist temples and temple gardens to preserve the remaining forest was encouraged (Liu et al., 2002). This is slowly leading to the revitalisation of the Dai culture as people are beginning to restore the holy hill forests. Temples and other religious education centres are teaching younger generations about the cultural importance of different plants and how to manage them. This, in turn, is benefiting the Dai culture and increasing the plant diversity of the region. One study suggests that the holy forest sites now act as forest preserves for some of the last examples of seasonal rainforest in the region (Liu et al., 2002). In the productive landscape, people are seeing the benefits of growing rubber as part of a more traditional mixed crop forest alongside species like vanilla, coffee, and tea. This reduces water wastage and encourages biodiversity while providing economic opportunities for the people (Wu, Liu & Liu, 2001).

Applications to the rest of the world

The Dai culture is but one of many indigenous people groups throughout the world. Many of these cultures have faced or are currently facing declines as globalisation threatens to swallow them up. The loss of cultures means the loss of traditional knowledge gained through many generations of living in an area. Traditional land management practices and knowledge of systems can provide unparalleled insight into how best to preserve biodiversity in an area. Globally, indigenous cultures through religious or cultural practices are preserving biodiversity. The Shinto shrines and temple forests of Japan provide pockets of plant and animal biodiversity in expanding urban sprawls (Ishii et al., 2010). In New Zealand, the increasing awareness of the Māori concepts of kaitiakitanga have applications to biodiversity preservation while also serving to revitalise the culture (Roberts et al., 1995). By increasing awareness and preventing the decline in cultures around the world we may be able to gain a wider pool of opinion to solve the biodiversity crisis.

 

References:

Irwin, M. T., Wright, P. C., Birkinshaw, C., Fisher, B. L., Gardner, C. J., Glos, J., … & Raherilalao, M. J. (2010). Patterns of species change in anthropogenically disturbed forests of Madagascar. Biological Conservation143(10), 2351-2362.

Ishii, H. T., Manabe, T., Ito, K., Fujita, N., Imanishi, A., Hashimoto, D., & Iwasaki, A. (2010). Integrating ecological and cultural values toward conservation and utilization of shrine/temple forests as urban green space in Japanese cities. Landscape and Ecological Engineering6(2), 307-315.

Koh, L. P., Dunn, R. R., Sodhi, N. S., Colwell, R. K., Proctor, H. C., & Smith, V. S. (2004). Species coextinctions and the biodiversity crisis. science, 305(5690), 1632-1634.

Kui, C. (1997). Relationship changes between lowlander and hill tribes in Xishuangbanna, PR China. Asia Pacific Viewpoint38(2), 161-167.

Liu, H. M., Xu, Z. F., Xu, Y. K., Wang, J. K. (2002). Practice of conserving plant diversity through traditional beliefs: a case study in Xishuangbanna, southwest China. Biodiversity & Conservation, 11(4), 705-713.

Loh, J., & Harmon, D. (2014). Biocultural diversity: threatened species, endangered languages. WWF Netherlands, Zeist, The Netherlands1.

Lososová, Z., Chytrý, M., Tichý, L., Danihelka, J., Fajmon, K., Hájek, O., … & Řehořek, V. (2012). Biotic homogenization of Central European urban floras depends on residence time of alien species and habitat types. Biological Conservation145(1), 179-184.

Novacek, M. J., & Cleland, E. E. (2001). The current biodiversity extinction event: scenarios for mitigation and recovery. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 98(10), 5466-5470

Purvis, A., Gittleman, J. L., Cowlishaw, G., & Mace, G. M. (2000). Predicting extinction risk in declining species. Proceedings of the royal society of London. Series B: Biological Sciences267(1456), 1947-1952.

Roberts, M., Norman, W., Minhinnick, N., Wihongi, D., & Kirkwood, C. (1995). Kaitiakitanga: Maori perspectives on conservation. Pacific Conservation Biology2(1), 7-20.

Wake, D. B., & Vredenburg, V. T. (2008). Are we in the midst of the sixth mass extinction? A view from the world of amphibians. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105(Supplement 1), 11466-11473.

WildChina. (n.d). Xishuangbanna: Trekking in the Tropics. retrieved from: https://www.wildchina.com/tours/xishuangbanna-trekking-in-the-tropics

Wu, Z. L., Liu, H. M., & Liu, L. Y. (2001). Rubber cultivation and sustainable development in Xishuangbanna, China. The International Journal of Sustainable Development & World Ecology8(4), 337-345.

Xu, J. C., Ma, E. T., Tashi, D., Fu, Y. S., Lu, Z., & Melick, D. (2005). Integrating sacred knowledge for conservation: cultures and landscapes in southwest China.

Xu, J., & Ribot, J. C. (2004). Decentralisation and accountability in forest management: a case from Yunnan, Southwest China. The European Journal of Development Research16(1), 153-173.

Yang, Y., Tian, K., Hao, J., Pei, S., & Yang, Y. (2004). Biodiversity and biodiversity conservation in Yunnan, China. Biodiversity & Conservation13(4), 813-826.


Implications of the Integration of Divergent World Views within Conservation


Implications of the Integration of Divergent World Views within Conservation

Henrietta Ansell

“Struggles over the primacy of different cultural perspectives on nature or the world to involve the continuous enactment, stabilization, and protection of different and asymmetrically entangled ontologies or worlds.”- Mario Blaser 2009 


Abstract

Before strategy is implemented, it is imperative that the local people’s values, knowledge and culture is considered and understood. Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) has great value within science and should be applied within planning. For the integration of knowledge and values to be successful, it is important that different worldviews are considered and realised. By doing so, uncontrolled equivocation can be avoided. In order to create fair, successful conservation management we must consider, intergrade and understand the differences in multiple different worldviews.

Introduction

Communication with a wide range of people is a core task within conservation. In order to implement strategies and campaigns it is imperative the values of the public and private landowners are integrated into management before implementation. Having the skills to discuss and integrate knowledge into planning will ensure the acceptance and quality of the programme.

Integration and communication of alternative views is especially important regarding traditional ecological knowledge (TEK). TEK is the practice, knowledge and belief concerning the relationships between all living things and with the physical environment they reside in. TEK is generally held by people living within non-technological societies with a dependence on local resources (Berkes 1993).

When integrating TEK within scientific and conservation strategy it is important to avoid misunderstandings and “uncontrolled equivocation” (UE). UE is a communication failure between those who do not share a common world view or common background. Misunderstandings occur not because of different perspectives per se, but because the two parties live in different “worlds”, which possess different systems (Blaser, 2009).

In order to build on ecological knowledge and implement conservation strategy the local people’s culture, knowledge and values must be understood and applied into planning.

Value of Tradition ecological Knowledge

The framing and purpose of the conservation discipline shifts with societal change (Mace, 2014). Mace (2014) Argues that we have moved into a “people and nature” period, which looks to accept that people are a part of ecosystems and adapt with them (fig 1). This practice already has been prevalent in many indigenous groups for centuries. This is because indigenous people tend to live off the land and possess cultural and spiritual connects with nature. Due to this change in focus, the value of TEK has become more relevant within the science community (Polfus et al., 2013).

people and nature

Fig 1: Timeline of change of conservation focus (Mace, 2014)

Traditional ecological knowledge is similar to scientific ecological knowledge as it is a systematic observation of nature (Kimmerer, 2002; Berkes et al., 2000). TEK often has similar outcomes to scientific techniques and its practice is just as effective (Polfus et al., 2013). However, TEK and contemporary science does have its differences. These differences add value as they act as additional knowledge within strategy, filling in any gaps of knowledge science may not consider. TEK observations are a majority qualitative and investigates how something has evolved over time (Kimmerer, 2002). Western science on the other hand is objective and carried out under strict conditions (Pierotti & Wildcat, 2000). TEK is laden with values and cultures that create a different view of the ecological systems. Scientific ecological knowledge prides itself on its technical nature and data which is value free (Kimmer, 2002).

The IUCN (1986) acknowledges that TEK has value within science as it provides new biological insight into resource management, environmental assessment and conservation education. However, this does not acknowledge the cultural and social values that TEK provides in conservation. Science often views TEK as data, which devalues cultural, ethical and political aspects. Often this reduces the integration of TEK into conservation to purely technical, which it is not. (Nadasdy, 2005).

The “people and nature” shift links into the addition of biocultural approaches to conservation management. Biocultural approaches are defined by Gavin et al (2014) as ‘conservation actions made in the service of sustaining the biophysical and sociocultural components of dynamic, interacting and interdependent social–ecological systems.’ These approaches allow cultural aspects of TEK to be integrated within conservation.  In addition, to be successful the following principles must be followed (fig 2):

key values

Fig 2: Key principles to be followed for biocultural approaches to conservation to be successful.  (Gavin et al., 2014)

Uncontrolled Equivocation within Co-management

Respect and incorporate different worldviews and knowledge systems into conservation planning, is often ignored within indigenous, local, state and conservationist relationships. This is a result of uncontrolled equivocation. Viveviros de Castro (2004) defines UE as “a type of communicative disjuncture where the interlocutors are not talking about the same thing, and do not know this”. This misunderstanding between groups creates conflict within co-management as strategy is discussed within a singular context and world view.

Bruno Latour (2012) argues that facts only have local value and we develop these facts in circumstances under our complete control. Every group, be it cultural, scientific or political has a different world view. UE describes that due to these different worlds perceived by different people, misunderstandings and conflict occurs as these differences are not realised (Blaser, 2009). UE is especially important when implementing management strategy, as it describes the very problem that cause a lot of them to fail. For example, the yrmo hunting programme which was a co-management scheme hoping to implement sustainable hunting practices for the Yshiro people (Blaser, 2009). Unfortunately, the conservationists did not understand that when preaching sustainability of animals, it was understood by the Yshiro people to sustain their reciprocity system (Blaser, 2009). Reciprocity, to the Yshiro, is a cultural world view that allows them to sustain animal abundance through mutual exchange. This is how they see the world, locally this is fact. Without understanding this, conservation management were unable to communicate effective strategy. In turn this led to failure of the programme (Blaser, 2009).

In the past, co-management plans power dynamics has led to conservationist trying to change the values of indigenous people. However, values are deeply rooted within society, often integrated into multiple generations (Manfredo et al., 2016). When values change it is gradual and builds on top of previous values. Trying to change people’s core values for conservation will not be effective (Manfredo et al., 2016). Therefore, the view of TEK as data and technical within the scientific community needs to be addressed. Instead it is imperative to understand, find common ground, create a common goal and work from there. Therefore, the integration of indigenous knowledge, and local values should be understood and integrated before implementation.

In order to create successful and fair conservation strategy, communication and understanding of different world views must be clear and equally included within planning. One group’s truth does not hold value over another.

Conclusion

Traditional ecological knowledge has great value to add to conservation. However, in order to effectively integrate TEK and be successful, its important to acknowledge uncontrolled equivocation. Conservationist must look to understand the different world views linked with TEK and cultural values in order to implement effective strategies co-managed with indigenous peoples. In order to move forward with conservation, we must not assume worldviews, or place our own values over others.


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